Independent African Worship

Worship on the continent of Africa has a rich history, dating back to the earliest period of the Christian church. In recent years, however, new and exciting developments have occurred in sub-Sahara Africa. This article describes these recent developments and the worship of independent African churches. These practices are particularly interesting, as examples of how the Christian faith interacts with local culture.

The history of Christianity in North Africa begins in the very first century of the Common Era. The bishops and theologians of Egypt played a decisive role in the early years of Christianity. The desert Fathers and monks exerted a monumental influence, particularly in the arena of Christian spirituality. Orthodox traditions were established in Egypt and Ethiopia; and Christians courageously survived the Islamic expansion of the seventh and eighth centuries that engulfed and cut them off from the rest of Christendom. These Orthodox traditions continue to worship with liturgy rich in symbols and actions—ancient, apostolic, and African. However, it was not until very recent times that Christianity made significant inroads into sub-Sahara Africa. Except for a brief foray into the Congo in the sixteenth century under the rule of a converted monarch, King Alfonso Mvemba Nzunga, Christianity's success came in the wake of flourishing colonial expansion in the latter part of the nineteenth century. The religious practices of churches, which were directly formed or grew out of the missionary activities of this period, vary widely. Some churches continue a faithful repetition of actions passed down by missionaries. Others use liturgy, which is essentially the same, with the addition of distinctive African elements. And many of those who fall under the general classification of the African independent church have developed rituals and liturgy, which seem predominantly African with only traces of the influence of European missionaries. Of those who retain relations with mission organizations, the traditional body which brought Christianity to them, a significant difference can be observed between more formal, liturgical churches (i.e., Roman Catholic and Episcopalian) and informal, predominantly Protestant groups. Liturgical churches have historically been more tolerant of native ritual traditions, due, in part, to their own emphasis on a rich variety of symbolic actions. Therefore, Roman Catholics had little difficulty understanding and accepting the practice of "?ancestor veneration?" in the context of the Christian veneration of saints. Pope Paul told the African bishops in Kampala, Uganda, in 1969, "?You may and you must have an African Christianity.?" On the other hand, Africans already possessed a sophisticated and highly developed sense of sacrifice, a ritual of central importance to the Christian church; and therefore Africans readily accepted actions associated with concepts of sacrifice. Liturgical traditions also emphasized counterparts to traditional "?rites of passage?" concerning birth (infant baptism), initiation into adulthood (confirmation and baptism), marriage, and death. These counterparts did not simply replace native traditions. Catholic missionaries were encouraged to adopt elements of the local rituals to enhance interest in Christian worship. For example, some local traditions bestowed a new name on children who underwent initiation into adulthood, as a sign of new life. In areas where this was practiced, the Catholic church encouraged priests to bestow Christian names at baptism. Of special interest, however, are those churches who have asserted their independence from mission support and control, particularly radically new churches founded by native prophets and healers. In these churches, creative adaptations of texts and rituals central to Christian worship, such as The Book of Common Prayer, the Eucharist, baptism, and ordination, were made. Also, entirely new rituals and ritual objects appear in worship. For example, some churches make extensive use of flags, staves, spears, and elaborate robes, often designed and employed in accordance with the visions of the founder and/or influential members. One liturgical element which has had a profound impact upon independent African Christianity is The Book of Common Prayer. Harold Turner, in his first attempt at analyzing material from an African independent church, examined "?The Holy Litany,?" published by one of the West African independent churches. This particular church represents "?one of the many similar bodies that have emerged from the Anglican church in Nigeria.?" This African litany begins with a three-fold pattern, but without explicit reference to the Trinity. It also employs a distinctly African metaphor that appears at several key junctures in the text.

Priest: We use our mouths like broom before Thee.

Congregation: Good Lord, have mercy upon us. Priest: We use our mouths like broom before Thee. Congregation: Good Lord, have mercy upon us. Priest: We use our mouths like broom before Thee. Congregation: Good Lord, have mercy upon us. Priest: We great sinners humbly supplicate before Thee. Congregation: Good Lord, forgive us. This portion divides the litany into three sections and provides the conclusions. In the first section, a series of confessions and requests for deliverance from various evils follow the "?broom theme.?" In a direct application to the African situation, these evils include witches, wizards, poisonous locusts, flies, drought, black butterflies, and birds. This African litany also expands, what is originally a single reference to the day of judgment into a series of six versicles "?based on biblical language drawn from apocalyptic passages.?" The second section contains a long "?victory?" passage, in which a series of twenty-seven versicles proclaim victory over a variety of evils. Turner points to the "?peculiarly African development of two related themes?" represented by the phrases, "? … hear us, that those evils which the craft and subtle of the devil or of man worketh against us, be brought to nought,?" and "?From our enemies defend us, O Christ.?" Turner concludes that "?even where the African litany might seem to depart most widely from the form and content of its original, it still keeps company with it in spirit and intention.?" The concept of God emerging from this litany is clearly "?in control of all society, nature, death, and evil powers including Satan.?" He is also a God who "?will act to reveal his control both now and in the future consummation.?" This leaves the matter of the image found in the "?broom theme.?" Turner found various explanations of the meaning of this phrase. It appears to originate from an act performed as a sign of humiliation and penance, either voluntary or commanded as punishment, before a Yoruba king. Others pointed to a direct revelation received by a founder of the church as the origin of the phrase. A prominent leader also connected it with the story of Isaiah 6:5 concerning his unclean lips which needed "?sweeping.?" Turner concludes, "?that here we have an introductory element, representing both reverence and humiliation before God, and also the need for cleansing, before proceeding to the prayers.?" Liturgical innovation in African independent Christianity extends to the actions performed in worship. For example, the Cherubim and Seraphim Society, founded in 1925 in Lagos, Nigeria, by Moses Orimolade Tunolase, exhibits a wide range of religious practices: some borrowed, some transformed, and others clearly created. Rituals borrowed from European-based churches include Sunday worship, baptism, Communion, confirmation, marriage, burial, ordination, and some important anniversaries and saints' days. Of particular importance is, once again, The Book of Common Prayer. Often the particular services held on these occasions are wholly or in part taken from mission churches. However, when they use another church's service, they usually add elements from traditional religions or from revelations received by members. One of the religious forms peculiar to the Cherubim and Seraphim Society is that of festivals. Festivals create a calendar for the life of the church and celebrate important days in the history of the organization. For example, members celebrate festivals for the anniversaries of St. Michael and St. Gabriel, the spiritual founders of the society, the Cherubim and Seraphim bands, and the Founder's Memorial anniversary. Festivals established their prominence in the early days of the founding of the society, when members would celebrate traditional ceremonies in their respective churches and only come together as a society on these festival days. Holy Michael's anniversary is celebrated on September 29. Two special lessons are read. One lesson is from Daniel 12; and the second lesson is from Revelation 12. The climax of the service involves "?the bearing of swords by three leaders who raise them as they stand at each of the four corners of the building and shout three times '?The Sword of the Lord,?' while the congregation responds '?the Sword of St. Michael.?'?" A prayer is offered for the sword of St. Michael "?to descend as a victory over our enemies and a shelter over the members of the Society.?" A closing hymn is sung and a final prayer spoken. J. Akinyele Omoyajowo describes the Anniversary of the Cherubim Band, celebrated on the last Thursday of May.

Special dresses are worn at the service. Before the sermon a short ceremony is performed: Four leaders stretch forth spears. The most senior of them faces the east and shouts: "?The Star.?" The whole congregation, standing, then answers: "?The Morning Star.?" This is repeated seven times after which the congregation kneels, and the leader says a short prayer for the guidance of the Star and for salvation and victory for the whole Cherubim and Seraphim Organization. Two special lessons are read after which the Grace is said and the Te Deum Laudamus chanted.

At the anniversary in Memory of the Founder, a vigil is kept at the founder's grave from 10 p.m. on the eighteenth of October until 3 a.m. the next morning. A memorial service is then held on the nineteenth at the grave and in every house of prayer on the following Sunday. Other special liturgical elements employed by the society include the idea of sacred places and objects, taboos and robes of office, dancing, clapping, and stamping. Robert Wyllie has documented several "?spiritist?" services held by Christian congregations in Southern Ghana. One of these was a meeting of the Cherubim and Seraphim. This congregation employed several distinct areas of worship, the building proper and an area known as the mercy ground. The mercy ground, situated in front of the building, consisted of a sandy area surrounded by a low wall, in the middle of which stood a white wooden cross. Inside of the building, a low, wooden partition divided the space into a large main room and a smaller "?sanctuary?" at the further end. In the sanctuary, there was a chair and table, on which were "?seven lighted candles, two vases of flowers, a bell, and a wooden crucifix. In front of the sanctuary were two large drums painted bright red.?" The service began at 9 a.m. with the soft and slow singing of a hymn, while the captain and another man played the drums. Someone else kept time with the singing by ringing the hand bell. After the singing of this hymn, the pastor (bishop) entered the sanctuary area, knelt on the floor, and led the congregation in a prayer. The congregation then sang several more hymns as the captain circulated among them with the censer. The pastor returned to the sanctuary to offer prayers for the leaders of the society and government, and for those present. More hymns were sung and the pastor once again entered the sanctuary, this time to pray for "?divine light, so that the faithful might better understand God's Word,?" and for the peace of the souls of the departed faithful. The service continued with readings from the Bible, hymns, prayers, a relatively short sermon, and testimonies. Enthusiasm seemed to die down until the offertory, which was accompanied by a lively song:

Power, O Lord!

Power, O Lord! Power, O Lord! Power, Power, Power, O Lord! This was sung as the members filed, dancing and swaying, past the offering bowl. The pastor and the captain manned the drums, beating furiously upon them with their hands. Two women began to spin, with outstretched arms, before the sanctuary; another ran up and down the length of the church, leaping from bench to bench; yet another hopped on one leg in front of the drummers before falling to the floor. The captain seized the thurible and ran swiftly around the church, leaving a trail of incense in his wake. Two men hurriedly pushed aside some of the benches, as several women began to throw themselves around, knocking over the benches as they fell or stumbled. The pastor circulated throughout the room carrying a metal rod, which he used to lightly touch the foreheads of participants who knelt at his feet. Assistants touched these same people with a small wooden crucifix and rubbed the abdomens of two childless women with water from a bottle. The climax came when the captain "?began to shudder and shake, slapping himself repeatedly upon the face.?" He proceeded to turn somersaults on the floor, his left eye closed and his right rolling "?wildly in its socket.?" Then the captain shouted, accusing the pastor of not having fasted. He was taken out onto the mercy ground to recover. Many of these elements are found in other independent African churches. Wyllie attended the Christian Church, popularly known as "?Taylor's church,?" across the street from the Cherubim and Seraphim. Here the pastor's table held a candle, a hand-bell, two Bibles, two hymnals (Methodist), and two alarm clocks. To the side of the table stood a large drum. The service followed the reading of John 13:30–36, during which the pastor walked among the worshipers gesticulating enthusiastically while the congregation occasionally interrupted him by singing verses from a hymn. John 1:1–11 was read and was followed by more preaching, singing and dancing. During the hymns, the pastor would beat the drum furiously or join in the dancing. The sermon ended and the pastor and two other men beat the drum vigorously. "?The singing ceased and the assembly converged in a semicircle around the dancers, clapping their hands and shouting '?Praise the Lord!?' and '?Praise Him!?'?" After more singing, praying, and dancing, an offering was taken and the healing portion of the service began. While the people kneeled and prayed aloud, the pastor moved among them laying hands on them and praying over them. Suddenly, he seized one woman and cast her to the floor in the center of the circle and began to perform cartwheels around the inner part of the circle. One woman stood over her fallen companion while the others danced around with arms held on high. The woman on the floor began to twitch and shudder as she lay on her side with her arms behind her back. A few minutes later, she was joined on the floor by five more women and a young man, all of whom rolled around, writhing and kicking. At a third church, Dugan's Church, Wyllie observed a similar service on a Sunday morning. Again a table with hand-bell, Bible, candles, and an alarm clock stood at one end of, in this case, an enclosure. The service consisted of singing, dancing, hand-clapping, and drumming. Once again, members of the congregation experienced the power of the Holy Spirit in very physical ways. In the space of a few minutes no fewer than fifteen women were throwing themselves around, spinning with outstretched arms, and hitting their bodies so violently against the wooden uprights of the enclosure that the whole structure shivered and shook. At one point we had to move our chairs back to avoid the women as they fell over benches or rolled writhing as they did so. After about five minutes of this frenzied activity, the music stopped and most of the women staggered back wearily to their places on the benches. The role of the leader at Dugan's Church introduces a new element to the list of central ritual elements in independent African Christianity. He is referred to as "?the Prophet.?" After the offertory, the prophet proceeded to walk among the participants and "?read '?messages?' in the hands of some members.?" He paced jerkily around the enclosure, throwing a darting glance at this palm or that, never looking closely at any one hand. After such fleeting glances he would turn and look in several different directions in quick succession, stabbing his feet rapidly on the ground as he did so. At the same time he kept exclaiming "?Ha!?" "?Ai!?" and "?Jesus!?" and rasped out such orders as "?Fast for three days!?" Prophets and healers also figure prominently in the independent churches among the Zulus of southern Africa. Again, we see the themes of visions, power for healing and divination, and the transfer of this power within the context of spirited corporate worship. Bengt Sundkler observes that the "?Zulu prophet is not the terminal receiver of his message but always a channel for the message to be transmitted to the church, and this message is in the process amplified by the participating mass experience.?" Not only is the leader's calling often communicated to him or her in a dream, rituals performed in worship can also originate in visions and dreams. These rituals can then share not only holy knowledge, but dreams and visions with the participants. Worship opens the door for the individual to share the dream experience. Sundkler sees a "?beautiful solution of the tension between corporate participation and the individual's experience. The dream experience is the individualized and interiorized continuation and adaptation of corporate worship.?" The liturgy among the Zulus also includes a strong emphasis on music and a tendency toward response and interplay between the leader and the congregation. Sundkler observed the following in 1969 during a service led by Archbishop Sikakana. The Archbishop would sing one line, with strong emphasis. The congregation would respond with the same vigor; then—and this had a very moving effect—the Archbishop would repeat the singing of the words with a soft voice, as if whispering a great secret, and his wife and the congregation followed him. With innate discipline, they would enter into the secrecy of these holy mysteries and corporately whisper their joy at the Angels and Creatures and Elders, invisibly but certainly present, moving their wings softly. As we saw in the Cherubim and Seraphim service, in which the captain challenged the pastor, "?many specifically '?African?' homiletic situations include an element of an almost electrifying '?give and take?', a challenge and response between preacher and local group.?" For all the importance attached to preaching, praying, singing, healing and prophesying, the foundation of the spirituality found in independent African churches still remains the sacraments, particularly baptism. Baptism, for the African Christian, stands as a key moment of decision and a source of power, both at the time of baptism and later as the believer recalls the experience. Gerhardus C. Oosthuizen has written about baptism as a purification ritual in the African independent churches, particularly those churches in which the "?healer-prophet?" style of leadership is prominent. Whatever the reasons for the tremendous development of the AIC (African Independent Church) may be … one of the many reasons lies with the interpretation of baptism as a sacrament and a means of obtaining grace and numinous power. This symbol assists those who take part in it to receive the benefits for which it stands, namely, to be in the transcendent world which manifests itself through various benefits bestowed generously on them, if they fulfill the necessary requirements such as fasting, attending the preceding nocturnal revival service, and confessing their sins. As one stands on the shore of the Indian Ocean near Durban and watches a leader of a group of Zionist Christians repeatedly hurl a believer into the pounding surf the stark differences between this and European/American baptisms become apparent. As groups of these worshipers gather on the beach, surrounded by circles of wooden staves and poles with flags fluttering in the strong wind, the question arises, "?What is Christian about these rituals??" Yet in some sense, in their white robes with dark crosses stitched on the back, these Christians are claiming a portion of the power associated with baptism in the early church. What happened at the River Jordan and the Sea of Galilee during the time of Jesus is repeated today at the river and the sea. As a result of the symbolic repetition of the original, those taking part in the ritual at the Durban beach become part of early New Testament history. Because baptism is the AIC symbol of transcendence, not primarily of being initiated into the church, initiants are assured of the victorious outcome of the struggle of the divine powers against the demonic powers of darkness. They receive life through the removal of sins effected by baptism; they receive "?the Spirit?" because they have been cleansed and "?the Spirit?" is a source of strength. The traditional African emphases on purification and power actually recapture elements of the ritual of baptism that were of critical importance to the early Christians. Through purification and a ritual identification with the death and resurrection of Christ, the believer becomes a participant in the powerful victory of Christ over death and the forces of evil. The reenactment of this crucial cosmic occurrence empowers the initiate to battle the forces of evil in his or her own world.